À défaut de l’autorité compétente, le médiateur peut engager contre tout agent responsable une procédure disciplinaire ou saisir d’une plainte la juridiction répressive. Toutefois, il ne peut intervenir dans une procédure engagée devant une juridiction, ni remettre en cause le bien-fondé d’une décision juridictionnelle. Les ministres et toutes autorités publiques doivent faciliter la tâche du médiateur, de même que ce dernier peut demander au ministre responsable ou à l’autorité compétente de lui donner communication de tout document ou dossier concernant l’affaire à propos de laquelle il fait son enquête. La loi du 24 décembre 1976 accroît les pouvoirs du médiateur. Celui-ci reçoit un pouvoir d’injonction vis-à-vis de l’administration qui refuse d’exécuter une décision juridictionnelle.
Un ombudsman français ?
Il semble difficile d’assimiler totalement le « médiateur » français à l’ombudsman scandinave.
On ne peut parler en France de « l’élu des élus » : le médiateur est nommé par le gouvernement et dépend donc du pouvoir exécutif, alors que l’ombudsman est élu par le Parlement. De plus, l’institution française n’a aucun caractère constitutionnel. Le médiateur ne peut pas, en fait, être saisi directement par le citoyen, qui doit franchir des « barrières » successives. Ses pouvoirs sont limités.
Dans ce contexte, l’institution est dénaturée. Aucun précédent ne peut lui être trouvé en France, et il apparaît que le légalisme français soit assez peu adapté à l’institution de l’ombudsman, peu compatible, sans doute, avec le droit public de notre pays.
B. R.
➙ Administration / Parlementaire (régime).
A. Legrand, l’Ombudsman scandinave. Études comparées sur le contrôle de l’administration (L. G. D. J., 1970). / D. C. Rowat, The Ombudsman Plan. Essays on the Worldwide Spread of an Idea (Londres, 1973).
Omeyyades
En ar. Banū ’Umaiyya, dynastie arabe qui régna de 661 à 750.
La conquête du pouvoir
Les Omeyyades appartiennent à l’ancienne oligarchie de La Mecque, qui, après une éclipse de près de quinze ans, revint au pouvoir avec le troisième calife, ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Affān (644-656), le seul membre de cette aristocratie à avoir rallié Mahomet au début de sa prédication. À la suite de l’assassinat de ‘Uthmān en juin 656 par des mutins de l’armée d’Égypte, la famille des Umaiyya accuse, pour conserver le pouvoir, le quatrième calife, ‘Alī (656-661), de complicité dans ce meurtre. Très vite, une forte opposition se dessine contre le calife, mettant en cause sa légitimité. Elle se groupe essentiellement autour de Mu‘āwiyya, neveu de ‘Uthmān, qui exige, selon la vieille coutume arabe, la vengeance du meurtre de son oncle. Gouverneur de Syrie depuis le califat de ‘Umar, Mu‘āwiyya dispose d’une excellente armée, rompue à la discipline et à l’art militaire au cours des escarmouches de frontières contre les Byzantins. Fort de cet instrument, il refuse de céder son poste au nouveau gouverneur nommé par ‘Alī pour le remplacer. Et, en 657, il rencontre les troupes de ‘Alī en Syrie, non loin des ruines de la ville romaine de Ṣiffīn. Il est battu, mais il parvient, par la ruse, à sauver la situation. Acculés à la défaite, ses soldats élèvent le Coran à la pointe de leurs lances en criant : « Que Dieu en décide ! » Ce subterfuge réussit admirablement, et ‘Alī est contraint, par le parti pieux du camp, d’accepter l’arbitrage, mettant ainsi en cause sa légitimité. Cela amène la défection d’un groupe important de ses adeptes, qui, sous le nom de khāridjites, c’est-à-dire « ceux qui sortent », deviennent pour lui une source de difficultés. La position de ‘Alī s’affaiblit davantage en 659, lorsque les arbitres désignés par les deux partis rendent un verdict qui implique son abdication. Quelques mois plus tard, Mu‘āwiyya réussit à s’emparer de la province d’Égypte et renforce sa position. En 661, ‘Alī est assassiné par un khāridjite. Son fils Ḥasan renonce à ses droits au profit de Mu‘āwiyya, qui étend alors son pouvoir sur tout l’Empire et fonde la dynastie des Omeyyades.
Le gouvernement et l’administration au début des Omeyyades
À l’avènement de Mu‘āwiyya, l’Empire souffre d’instabilité et de manque d’unité. Cette situation découle essentiellement de la décentralisation de l’administration et de la recrudescence du désordre et de l’anarchie parmi les nomades. Pour assurer la cohésion de l’Empire, le nouveau calife substitue à la théocratie islamique un État arabe séculier fondé sur la caste dirigeante arabe. Certes, le facteur religieux reste important, et Mu‘āwiyya sait admirablement l’exploiter au cours de ses multiples campagnes contre les Byzantins, qui lui permettent de se poser en champion de l’islām, voire en chef de la guerre sainte. Mais il fonde ses rapports avec la population non pas sur le lien religieux, mais sur un nouveau lien moral, en s’appuyant sur la fidélité de la nation envers son chef séculier. Toutefois, sa souveraineté n’est ni religieuse ni monarchique et relève plutôt du régime des cheikhs préislamiques avec une autorité plus étendue. Mu‘āwiyya gouverne avec la Chūra, ou Conseil des cheikhs, qui remplit à la fois des fonctions consultatives et exécutives. La Chūra s’appuie sur les Wufūd, ou délégations de tribus qui constituent la base du libre consentement et du loyalisme des Arabes. Les provinces sont dirigées par des gouverneurs, qui exercent l’autorité au nom du calife. Mu‘āwiyya conserve la vieille machine administrative des Perses et des Byzantins, dont le personnel et la procédure demeurent intacts. Lui-même emploie un secrétaire syrien de religion chrétienne.
Il parvient aussi à résoudre le problème de succession pour assurer la stabilité de l’Empire et maintenir le pouvoir dans sa propre famille. Avec beaucoup de tact, d’habileté et de diplomatie, il désigne, pour lui succéder, son fils Yazīd, inaugurant ainsi dans l’Empire musulman la méthode de succession héréditaire.
Yazīd succède à son père en 680. Il hérite d’un Empire stable et d’une autorité qui s’exerce, grâce aux conquêtes de Mu‘āwiyya, à l’est jusqu’en Asie centrale et à l’ouest jusqu’en Afrique du Nord.
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